Ancient Mesoamericans considered caves as foundational parts of their geography. They were used primarily as stages for ritual activity though they were used occasionally for everyday activities such as clay mining and water collection. Nonetheless, linguistic evidence suggests that any hole in the ground was considered a cave, whether it was a cave, rock shelter, or a sink hole. Even niches in boulders and tombs were considered caves. Water, mountains, and caves were the first landscape features to appear in the initial moments of creation when the gods called forth the world, according to the Maya Popol Vuh. These underground locations house gods, other supernaturals, and ancestors, and specific caves were considered the origin place for a polity, settlement, or specific group, such as Chicomoztoc for the Aztec.
Rain Rituals
The association of rain and caves has deep roots in Mesoamerica, dating at least as far back as Olmec times, when rain and water iconography decorate the walls of caves such as Oxtotitlan (Osh-tote-tit-lan), Guerrero, and sites such as (Chal-cat-cingo) in the Valley of Morelos, Central Mexico. The Maya believed that the rain god, Chaak, lives in caves, as seen on numerous pottery vessels and the later codices, such as the Dresden Codex. Archaeological investigations throughout the Peten in Guatemala have uncovered the remains of rain-related rituals in cave environments, such as the Grieta (Chasm) that literally splits the city of Aguateca in half. A stucco-covered stalagmite at the entrance of a cave near the site of la Pailita in the northwest Peten was in the shape of a seated, full-figured Chaak, complete with lightning axe. Large piles of sherds were found next to the figure suggesting that it was frequently the recipient of ritual offerings. Sadly, the figure was destroyed soon after its discovery, similar to the paintings at Naj Tunich cave.
Places of Emergence
Today, as in the past, people from all over the Americas believe that their ancestors emerged from caves. The Aztec called their cave of emergence, Chicomoztoc; for the Hopi of Arizona, they are sipapu; and caves are referred to as huacas in Quecha, the language of the Inca empire. These places came to be considered the hearts of settlements.
Building palaces and other public buildings on top of caves was a widespread practice among the ancient Maya. At the site of Dos Pilas, in the Peten region of Guatemala, for example the main palace and a series of residential groups were constructed on top of natural caves.
Abodes of Ancestors
Just as the ancestors emerged from caves to settle the land, they returned there after passing away. These associations are best seen among the ancient Maya. For example, a stela from the site of Piedras Negras portrays a ruler making a ritual offering to one of his ancestors who is located in a stylized cave below him. An ancestor shrine was identified in Torre Hun cave in the San Francisco Hills, Peten Guatemala. This shrine was identified based on the internment of a skull at the foot of a flat-topped formation covered in a special type of pottery limited to burials at the near-by site of Cancuen. These associations continue today in the myths of several groups throughout Mexico and Central America.
The community of Santiago Nuyoo in the Mixteca Alta region of Oaxaca believe that their ancestors live inside the earth and that they all emerged from a place called Soko Usha, or “Seven Cave”, a place that they affiliate with a womb. The number “seven” in the name likely refers to a sacred place rather than a number of chambers. A small hill in town is understood to be the heart and emergence place for the Tzeltal Maya of the municipality of Zinacantan, Chiapas, Mexico.
Boundary Shrines
Groups throughout ancient Mesoamerica used caves as political boundaries, which they set up when they established new settlements. This behavior is best seen during the early Colonial period thanks to documents collected under the reign of Charles I of Spain, colloquially known as the Titles of Lands and Towns. A central cave was chosen as the center of the settlement, while four others were located to make up the four corners of the polity. These markers were visited every year by a ritual pilgrimage that reestablished their authority.
References and Further Readings
Brady, James E., 1989, An Investigation of Maya Ritual Cave Use with Specific Reference to Naj Tunich, Guatemala, Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
García-Zambrano, Ángel Julían, 1994, Early Colonial Evidence of Pre-Columbian Rituals of Foundation. In Seventh Palenque Round Table, 1989, edited by Merle Greene Robertson, and Virginia M. Fields, pp. 217-227. Pre-Columbian Art Research Center, San Francisco.
Graham, Ian, 1997, Discovery of a Maya Ritual Cave in Peten, Guatemala. Symbols Spring:28-31.
Grove, David C., 1970, The Olmec Paintings of Oxtotitlan Cave, Guerrero, Mexico. Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology, No. 6. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C.
Grove, David C., 1987, Ancient Chalcatzingo. University of Texas Press, Austin, TX.
Ishihara, Reiko, 2008, Rising Clouds, Blowing Winds: Late Classic Maya Rain Rituals in the Main Chasm, Aguateca, Guatemala. World Archaeology 40:169-189.
Monaghan, John, 1995, The Covenants with Earth and Rain: Exchange, Sacrifice, and Revelation In Mixtec Sociality. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Pohl, Mary E. D., and John Pohl, 1983, Ancient Maya Cave Rituals. Archaeology 36:28-32, 50-51.
Spenard, Jon, 2006, The Gift in the Cave for the Gift of the World: An Economic Approach to Ancient Maya Cave Ritual in the San Francisco Hill-Caves, Cancuen Region, Guatemala, Unpublished Master's Thesis. Department of Anthropology, Florida State University.
Thompson, J. Eric S., 1959, The Role of Caves in Maya Culture. Mitteilungen aus dem Museum fur Volkerkunde im Hamburg 25.
Vogt, Evon Z., 1969, Zinacantan: A Maya Community in the Highlands of Chiapas. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.